ZZZQ 
1848 


Address  Adopted  by  the  Whig  State 
Convention  at  Worcester, 
September  13,  1848 


ADDUESS 

ADOPTED    BT    TH> 

WHIG  STATE  CONVENTION, 

AT 

WORCESTER,  SEPTEMBER  13,  1848. 

TOOBTHBR  WITH   TRB 

RESOLUTIONS   AND   PROCEEDINGS. 


Fellow  Citizens  : 

The  period  is  approaching  when  you  will  be  called  upon  to  perform  the 
important  duty,  and  exercise  the  high  prerogative  of  freemen,  in  c.isting  your 
suffrages  for  a  chief  Magistrate  of  this  great  Republic.  This  duty,  al  all  times 
responsible,  is  rendered  more  so  at  the  present  time  by  the  peculiar  condition  of 
the  country,  and  the  novel  state  of  political  parties.  The  whig  and  the  demo- 
cratic parties  have  selected  their  respective  candidates  for  the  Presidency  ;  and,  in 
all  human  probability,  one  or  the  other  of  them  will  be  elected  either  by  the  people, 
or  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  And  the  practical  question  submitted  to 
your  consideration  is,  which  do  you  prefer  ?  Which,  in  your  opinion,  will  best 
promote  the  welfare  of  the  country,  and  secure  the  prosperity  of  the  people, 
Gen.  Taylor,  or  Gen.  Cass  ? 

We  need  not  inform  you  that  Gen.  Taylor  was  not  the  first  choice  of  the 
whigs  of  Massachusetts.  We  had  a  distinguished  citizen  of  our  own  State, 
whose  acknowledged  pre-eminence  in  the  whig  ranks,  and  whose  tried  fidelity 
to  the  whig  cause,  through  a  long  period  of  public  service,  which  he  has  render- 
ed illustrious  by  his  talents,  and  useful  to  his  country  and  mankind,  recommended 
him  to  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  our  own  State,  and  the  Union.  We  pla- 
ced him  early  before  the  country  through  our  State  Convention  of  September 
last,  as  a  northern  candidate,  and  one  upon  whom  the  North  and  the 
South  might  rely  with  safety  and  hope  of  success.  His  claims  were  urged 
in  the  National  Convention,  and  if  he  had  obtained  the  nomination,  we 
should  have  expected  the  support  of  the  whig  party  in  every  section 
of  the  country.  But  the  claims  of  another  distinguished  individual  pre- 
vailed ;  and  the  question  now  is,  whether  we  shall  yield  that  support  to 
a  citizen  of  another  State,  which  we  should  have  had  a  right  to  demand,  if 
the  nomination  had  fallen  upon  the  favorite  candidate  of  Massachusetts. 

In  the  Convention  the  North  were  more  fully  represented  than  the  South,  there 
being  but  one  vacancy  fvom  the  free,  and  nine  from  the  slave-holding  States. 
The  result  of  that  convention  is  known.  Gen.  Taylor  and  Mr.  Fillmore  have 
been  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  as  suitable  candidates  to 
fill  the  two  first  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  American  people. 

The  }VJilg  Platform. —  WJiigs,  the  True  and  Original  Free  Soil 

Party. 

We  approach  you,  fellow  citizens,  as  Whigs,  a  party  whose  views  and  senti- 
ments are  well  known.  The  doctrines  we  have  advocated,  and  the  opinions  wo 
have  promulgated,  cannot  have  been  forgotten;  the  mutual  efforts  we  hav« 


made,  and  the  trials iwe'X*^.*'*?^^??®^,^^  the  last  twelve  years,  in  that  cause, 
must  have  united  the  whigs  in  all  parts  of  the  country  by  the  strongest  ties. 
We  have  stood  upon  the  grand  platform  from  which  our  name  was  derived ; 
and  have  maintained  the  rights  of  the  people  against  executive  prerogative  and 
usurpation.  We  have  maintained,  that,  as  our  government  was  instituted  for 
the  good  of  the  people,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  government  so  to  regulate  the  cur- 
rency and  the  commerce  of  the  country,  as  to  protect  the  labor,  encourage  the 
industry,  and  develope  the  resources  of  the  Republic  ;  so  to  improve  our  harbors 
and  rivers,  as  to  secure  the  property  and  save  the  lives  of  our  citizens ;  so  to 
dispose  of  the  public  lands,  as  to  promote  the  interests  of  all  the  States.  These 
doctrines  we  have  affirmed  as  whigs,  and  as  whigs  we  cannot  now  abandon 
them.  "We  believe  them  to  be  identical  with  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  and 
while  we  stand  by  our  country's  interest,  we  cannot  forsake  these  fundamental 
principles. 

But,  fellow  citizens,  we  address  you  not  only  as  whigs,  but  as  northern  whigs, 
as  Massachusetts  whigs.  We  stand  where  our  glorious  old  Commonwealth  has 
always  stood,  on  the  platform  of  free  labor,  a  free  press,  and  free  soil.  The 
whigs  of  the  North,  and  especially  the  whigs  of  Massachusetts,  may  rightfully 
claim  the  appellation  of  the  yree  soz7j9a/-<y.  Our  whig  delegation  in  Congress 
for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century,  have  been  uniform  in  resisting  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery.  In  1836,  when  Arkansas  was  admitted  into  the  Union,  the 
voice  of  Massachusetts  was  heard  against  the  slave  feature  of  her  constitution. 
The  late  and  lamented  Adams  moved  to  amend  the  bill,  and  our  present  worthy 
Chief  Magistrate,  Gov.  Briggs,  used  this  emphatic  language  on  the  floor  of  the 
House,  on  that  occasion  ; — "  I  never  can  consetit,  with  the  vieivs  I  now  entertain, 
to  give  a  vote  or  do  any  other  act  which  shall  sanction  the  principle  or  extend  the 
existence  of  slavery.  In  the  deep  conviction  of  my  heart,  I  believe  it  to  be  politic 
cally  atid  morally  wrong."  During  the  same  Congress,  on  the  bill  for  rifling  the 
mails,  for  which  Mr.  Van  Buren  gave  the  casting  vote,  our  distinguished  Senator 
from  Worcester  made  two  able  and  manly  speeches,  in  which  he  denounced  the 
bill  as  "  establishing  an  espionage,  a  scrutiny  into  the  contents  of  the  mail,  which 
would  violate  its  sanctity,  and  frustrate  the  whole  design  of  it."  He  regarded 
it  as  a  violation  of  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  as  a  measure  which  would  ena- 
ble the  ruling  party  of  the  country  to  exclude  from  the  mail  any  political  infor- 
mation which  was  thought  adverse  to  its  interest.  From  that  period  to  the 
present,  the  Whigs  in  Congress  from  this  Commonwealth  have  uniformly  op- 
posed the  extension  of  slavery,  and  the  encroachments  of  its  poicer.  They  have 
advocated  the  right  of  petition,  denounced  the  gag  rule,  and  condemned  in  the 
strongest  terms  the  annexation  of  Texas.  They  have  voted  against  the  slave 
feature  in  the  constitutions  of  Florida  and  Texas ;  against  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  Iowa,  and  Oregon,  New  Mexico  and  California ;  against  paying  for 
runaway  slaves,  and  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, in  every  form  in  which  it  has  been  presented.  All  this  has  been  done  by 
our  Whig  delegation  in  Congress,  not  from  any  desire  to  produce  a  schism  among 
the  Whigs,  or  to  build  up  a  new  party ;  but  from  an  honest  conviction  that  sla- 
very was  an  evil,  and  ought  to  be  circumscribed.  In  this  manly  course  in  Con- 
gress— the  only  field  in  which  the  doctrine  of  free  soil  can  be  made  a  practical 
question, — the  Whig  party  in  Massachusetts  have  nobly  sustained  their  Repre- 
sentatives. May  we  not  then  with  propriety  claim  to  be  a  free  soil  party  ?  We 
do  not  pretend  that  this  is  the  only  article  in  our  creed ;  we  do  not  wish  to  be 
ingulfed  in  a  single  idea.  We  know  that  in  the  practical  affairs  of  government, 
our  rulers  must  meet  almost  every  question,  and  we  have  a  platform  sufficiently 
broad  to  cover  every  great  question  of  national  policy. 

As  Whigs  of  this  description — standing  on  this  broad  platform,  we  address 
you ;  and  we  call  upon  you  in  a  cool,  dispassionate  manner  to  survey  the  whole 
ground,  to  reflect  upon  the  tendency  of  every  measure,  and  then  adopt  a  policy 
worthy  of  patriots,  and  honorable  to  our  ancient  Commonwealth.     We  have 


TK 
3 

already  said  that  General  Taylor  or  General  Cass  would  in  all  probability  be 
the  next  President  of  the  United  States.  AVho  shall  be  elected?  In  whose 
hands  will  the  institutions  of  our  country  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  be 
most  secure?  This  question  involves  the  political  character  of  the  two  candi- 
dates. From  a  full  and  careful  view  of  the  whole  subject,  we  have  no  hes- 
itation in  giving  our  preference  to  Gen.  Taylor,  and  in  recommending  him  for 
your  support;  and  we  are  confident  that  the  more  you  study  his  character,  the 
miore  cheerfully  will  you  give  him  your  suffrages. 

Gen.  Taylor. — His  Character.,  and  the  Reasons  why  he  should  he 
supported  by  Whigs. 

Though    Gen.  Taylor  was  in  the  first  instance  brought  prominently  before 
the  people  by  his  brilliant  military  achievements,  yet  it  is  not  as  a  mere  military 
man,  that  we  commend  him  to  your  consideration.     "We  are  aware  that  the  for- 
tune of  a  battle  may  turn  upon  a  mere  accident,  against  which  no  human  fore- 
sight could  guard,  and  hence  a  single  victory  does  not  afford  any  just  criterion 
,   by  which  to  test  the  ability  of  the  commander.    But  when  a  general,  having  the 
^    sole  command  of  an  army,  is  successful,  through  successive  campaigns — when, 
^y    with  an  inferior  force,  he  is  able  to  baffle  or  elude  the  enemy,  to  advance  with 
'f    success  or  retreat  with  safety ;    to  change  the  whole  plan  of  a  battle  in  the 
very  face  of  the  enemy,  so  as  to  conform  to  some  new  exigency,  and  to  succeed 
in  all  his  efforts — this  shows  powers  of  mind  of  no  ordinary  character,  and  those 
intellectual  resources  which  will   qualify  a  man  for  almost  any  station.     Such 
has  been  the  success  of  Gen.  Taylor ;  and  we  allude  to  it  as  furnishing  the  best 
evidence  of  those  mental  endowments  which  are  all  important  in  the  Presiden- 
tial chair.     Tried  by  this  test,  we  are  confident  that  Gen.  Taylor  will  not  be 
found  wanting. 

But  while  we  maintain  that  military  science  and  operations  in  the  field  are 

<i  well  calculated  to  develope  the  intellect,  we  are  free  to  admit  that  the  discipline 

^  of  the  camp  has  too  often  converted  the  officer  into  the  tyrant,  and  has  led   him 

j!     to  assume  authority,  and  to  raise  the  military  above  the  civil  power.     This  may 

^   be  considered  the  natural  tendency  of  a  life  in  the   service.     But  when  a  man 

,    has  spent  most  of  his  life  in  the  camp,  and  has  resisted  all  these  temptations, 

\    and  is  modest,  merciful  and  law-abiding  in   spite  of  his  military  training,  it 

^    furnishes  the  most  conclusive   evidence  of  the   soundness  of  his  judgment,  the 

benevolence  of  his  heart,  and  the  purity  and  strength  of  his  character.     Such 

we  believe  to  be  the  case  with  General  Taylor.     When  therefore  we  present 

his  name  to  the  good  people  of  Massachusetts,  we   do  not  present  him  as  the 

mere  military  man,  or  victorious  general.     No,  we  take  more  elevated  ground  ; 

we  present  him  as  a  man  of  vigorous  intellect,  of  sound  judgment,  of  warm 

patriotism,  of  incorruptible  integrity,  of  active  benevolence,  of  personal  purity. 

The  testimony  of  men  in  all  conditions  and  callings,  and  of  both  political  parties, 

fully  sustains  this  view  of  his   character.     They  represent  him  as   simple  and 

^  unaffected    in    his  manners,   exemplary  in    private    life,  industrious     in    his 

J^abits,  and  systematic  in  the  transaction  of  business,  possessing  a  mind  of  a 

S   superior  order,   with  great  clearness  of  perception  and  firmness   of  purpose. 

4^  With  a  high  moral  sense,  he  unites  stern  justice   with  the   most  condescending 

•^  mercy ;  and  by  the  goodness  of  his  heart  and  the  force  of  his  character,  wins 

the  affections  and  commands  the  confidence  of  all  who  know  him. 

In  politics  he  is  a  Whig  of  the  old  school  ardently  devoted  to  the  constitu- 
tion, and  if  elected  President,  the  highest  object  of  his  ambition  will  be  to  ad- 
minister the  government  on  the  principles  of  the  constitution,  and  to  walk  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  fathers  of  the  Republic. 

If  there  were  any  reason  to  doubt  his  capacity,  we  would  refer  you  to  his  cor- 
respondence with  the  War  Department,  which,  for  discipline  of  thought,  maturi- 


ty  of  judgment,  practical  common  sense,  force  of  diction,  and  dignified  submission 
to  the  civil  power  under  the  greatest  personal  provocations,  is  not  surpassed  by 
any  correspondence  in  the  archives  of  the  government. 

We  are  aware  that  our  political  opponents  have  attempted  to  make  it  appear 
that  Gen.  Taylor  has  avowed  no  political  opinions,  and  is  committed  to  no  line 
of  national  policy ;  but  nothing  can  -be  more  erroneous.  In  his  letter  to  Capt. 
Allison,  he  says :  "  I  reiterate  what  I  have  often  said  —  I  am  A  Whig,  but  not 
an  ultra  Whig.  If  elected  I  would  not  be  the  mere  President  of  a  party.  I 
would  endeavor  to  act  independent  oi party  domination.  I  should  feel  bound 
to  administer  the  government  untrammelled  by  party  schemes.  I  have  no 
private  purposes  to  accomplish  —  no  party  projects  to  build  up  —  no  enemies  to 
punish  —  nothing  to  serve  but  my  country."  Such  is  the  language  of  Gen. 
Taylor  himself,  and  we  venture  to  say  that  no  enlightened  statesman  in  the  land 
can  take  exceptions  to  such  principles.  Gen.  AVashington,  when  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency,  went  even  farther  than  Gen.  Taylor  in  this  particular.  In  u 
letter  to  Gen.  Lincoln,  March  11,  1789,  Gen.  Washington  said: 

"  Shoul  1  it  become  inevitably  necessary  for  me  to  go  into  the  chair  of  gov- 
ernment, I  have  determined  to  go  free  from  all   positive  engagements  of  every 
nature  lohatsoever.     This  is  the  answer  I  have   already  given  to  a  multiplicity 
of  applications ;  and  I  have  assigned  as  the  true  reason  of  my  conduct,  the  pre-  ^  ^ 
dominant  desire  I  had  of  being  at  liberty  to  act  with  a  sole  reference  to  justice   ^ 
and  the  public  good." 

Here,  fellow  citizens,  we  have  the  example  of  Washington,  and  we  trust  that 
the  whigs  of  this  day  will  be  satisfied  with  what  received  public  approval  in 
1789.  Gen.  Taylor,  like  his  illr.-Lrious  predecessor,  takes  the  constitution  as 
his  platform,  and  desires  to  go  into  the  chair  of  government  untrammelled  by 
party  schemes,  so  that  he  may  better  promote  the  public  interest,  and  restore 
the  government  to  its  original  purity.  We  can  readily  perceive  how  the  mere 
partisan,  who  is  seeking  his  own  personal  interest,  sho'uld  object  to  such  a 
course,  and  repudiate  such  sentiments  ;  but  for  the  honor  of  the  whig  party,  we 
hope  that  there  arc  but  few  such  to  be  found  within  our  ranks.  • 

The  present  state  of  the  country,  and  the  condition  of  our  public  affairs,  are   '• 
truly  alarming.     The  encroachments  of  the  Executive  upon  the  Legislative  de- 
partment of  the  government  have  become  the  crying  political  sin  of  the  land,  ' 
and  are  doing  more  to  defeat  the  grand  objects  of  our  free  institutions  than  all 
other  causes  combined.     We  have  seen  during  the  reign  of  the  present  Execu-    » 
tive,  the  power  of  Congress  paralysed,  and  the  will  of  the  people  defeated  by  the 
shameless  interference  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet ;  and  when  bills  have 
passed  both  branches,  having  for  their  object  the  payment  of  just  debts,  and  the 
security  of  life  and  property,  the  President,  by  the  arbitrary  exercise  of  the  veto 
power,  has  prevented  their  becoming  the  law  of  the  land.     And  while  he  has 
been  laboring  to  curtail  the  powers  of  the  Legislative  department,  he  has  been 
constantly  enlarging  his  own  prerogative  by  usurpations  more  alarming  than 
any  thing  which  has  occurred  since  the  establishment  of  the  government.     He 
has  assumed  the  war-making  power  in  violation  of  one  of  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  the  Constitution.     He  has   instituted  civil  governments  in  Mexican 
provinces,  and  executed  Mexican  citizens  for  treason,  contrary  to  the  establish-  ^ 
ed  law  of  nations,  and  in  defiance  of  the  power  of  Congress.     He  has  assumed  -^ 
the  law-making  power  by  levying  duties  upon  our  own  citizens  trading  in  Mexi- 
can ports.     These  acts  of  usurpation,  together  with  the  prostitution  of  public 
patronage  for  the  vile  purposes  of  party,  are  calculated  to  create  the  most  seri- 
ous apprehensions  in  the  breast  of  every  lover  of  his  country.     If  such  prac- 
tices are  tolerated  —  if  such  wanton  usurpations  are  not  checked  by  the  stern 
rebuke  of  the  American  people,  our  government  will  soon  degenerate  into  a 
despotism. 

By  the  election  of  Gen.  Taylor  we  have  the  assurance  that  these  abuses 
will  be  reformed,  and  that  the  Legislative  department  of  the  government  will 


be  restorer!  to  its  constitutional  prerogative,  lie  tells  us  in  his  Allison  letter, 
from  which  we  have  already  quoted,  that  it  shall  he  one  of  his  first  ohjects,  if 
elected,  to  confine  the  veto  power  to  its  constitutional  limits.  His  words  are 
these:  "The  power  given  hy  tiic  Constitution  to  tlie  Executive  to  interpose  his 
veto,  is  a  high  conservative  power ;  but  in  my  opinion  should  never  he  exer- 
cised except  in  cases  of  clear  violation  of  the  Constitution,  or  manifest  haste 
and  want  of  consideration  by  Congress.  Indeed,  I  have  thought,  that,  for  many 
years  past,  the  known  opinions  and  wishes  of  the  Executive  have  exercised 
undue  and  injurious  influence  upon  the  Legislative  department  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  for  this  cause  I  have  thought  our  system  was  in  danger  of  undergo- 
ing a  great  change  from  its  true  theory.  The  personal  opinions  of  the  indi- 
vidual who  may  happen  to  occupy  the  Executive  chair,  ought  not  to  control  the 
action  of  Congress  on  questions  of  domestic  policy  ;  nor  ought  his  objections  to 
be  interposed  where  questions  of  constitutional  poioer  have  been  settled  by  the 
various  departments  of  the  government,  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  people.  Upon 
the  subject  of  the  taritf,  the  currency,  the  improvement  of  our  great  highways, 
rivers,  lakes,  and  harbors,  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed  through  their 
Representatives  in  Congress,  ought  to  be  respected  and  carried  out  by  the 
Executive."  Confiding  in  these  declarations  of  Gen.  Taylor,  every  intelligent 
whig  in  the  Commonwealth  must  give  him  his  firm  and  cordial  support. 

Gen.  Taylor  is  also  a  man  of  peace.  Having  witnessed  the  devastation  and 
horrors  of  war,  he  hjis  pledged  himself,  if  elected,  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 
with  all  nations.  In  his  Allison  letter  he  says,  "  My  life  has  been  devoted  to 
arms  ;  yet  /  look  upon  war  at  all  times,  and  under  all  circumstances,  as  a  na- 
tional calamity  to  be  avoided  if  compatible  with  national  honor.  The  princi- 
ples of  our  government,  as  well  as  its  true  policy,  are  opposed  to  the  subjugation 
of  other  nations,  and  the  dismemberment  of  other  countries  by  conquest.  In  the 
language  of  the  great  Washington,  '  Why  should  we  quit  our  own  to  stand  on 
foreign  ground  !  '  " 

In  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Truman  Smith,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  he 
uses  similar  language.  "  I  need  hardly  reply  to  your  concluding  inquiry,  that  I 
am  a  peace  man,  and  that  I  deem  a  state  of  peace  to  be  absolutely  necessary  to 
the  proper  and  hecdthful  action  of  our  republican  institutions.  On  this  import- 
ant question,  I  freely  confess  myself  to  be  the  unqualified  advocate  of  the  prin- 
ciples so  often  laid  down  by  the  Father  of  his  country,  and  so  urgeixtly  recom- 
mended by  him  in  his  farewell  address  to  the  American  people.  Indeed  I  think 
I  may  safely  say,  that  no  man  can  put  a  more  implicit  faith  than  I  do,  in  the 
wisdom  of  his  advice,  lohen  he  urges  upon  us  the  propriety  of  always  standing 
upon  our  own  soil." 

Such  are  the  declared  views  of  the  whig  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and 
we  are  confident  that  they  must  meet  a  hearty  response  from  every  whig  in 
Massachusetts. 

Critical  Condition  of  the  Countrij,  and  Danger  of  Collisions 
with  other  Powers,  and  of  having  more  Acquisitions  of  Terri- 
tory, and  a  further  Extension  of  Slaverg. —  Gen.  Cass  a  Da?i- 
gerous  Man. —  Comparison  between  him  and  Gen.  Tai/lor. 

In  the  present  distracted  state  of  the  world,  when  a  little  indiscretion  might 
involve  us  in  a  foreign  war,  nothing  is  more  important  than  that  the  man  at  the 
head  of  this  Republic  should  be  disposed  to  cultivate  peace  and  friendship  with 
foreisn  powers.  We  are  aware  it  has  been  s;ud  by  our  opponents,  tliat  the  war 
with  ^Mexico  is  closed,  and  that  our  foreign  relations  are  at  this  time  of  the  most 
peaceful  character.  But,  fellow  citizens,  we  feel  bound  to  say,  that  there  is 
danger,  and  in  our  opinion  great  danger,  of  further  annexations  of  foreign  terri- 


tory,  and  hence  further  collisions  with  foreign  powers.  The  spirit  of  conquest 
has  been  excited  and  inflamed,  and  the  lust  of  dominion  is  now  cherished  by 
the  democratic  party. 

We  have  been  told  that  we  are  destined  to  rule  the  continent,  and  become  an 
ocean-bound  Republic.  A  proposition  was  introduced  into  the  Senate  by  a 
democratic  member,  during  the  last  Congress,  for  the  annexation  of  Cuba  to  the 
United  States,  and  that  measure  is  now  freely  talked  of  in  high  democratic  circles. 
Within  the  last  six  months,  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  gravely  re- 
commended to  Congress  an  armed  occupation  of  Yucatan,  one  of  the  States  of 
Mexico  ;  and  that  too  after  we  had  ratified  a  treaty  of  peace  with  that  Republic, 
and  concluded  an  armistice  by  which  all  military  operations  were  to  be  sus- 
pended. And  this  measure,  base  and  treacherous  as  it  was,  was  warmly  advocated 
and  strenuously  pressed,  by  Gen.  Cass  and  other  leading  democratic  Senators. 
The  new  scheme,  which  has  been  advertised  at  New  Orleans,  under  the  decep- 
tive caption  of  a  "  Buffalo  Hunt,"  has  more  of  reality  in  it  than  meets  the  eye. 
We  are  persuaded  that  a  plot  has  been  deliberately  formed  for  collecting  a  large 
armed  force  in  the  United  States,  and  entering  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  effect- 
ing a  revolution  in  that  portion  of  Mexico  lying  south  and  east  of  the  Sierra 
Madre  range  of  mountains  ;  and  when  these  provinces  are  wrested  from  that 
weak  and  distracted  nation,  we  shall  be  asked  to  annex  them  to  the  United 
States !  In  this  plot  several  leading  democratic  officers  who  have  served  in 
Mexico,  are  said  to  be  engaged,  and  some  of  the  democratic  pi-iuts  have  had  the 
unblushing  effrontery  to  justify  the  measure. 

We  do  not  assert  that  the  Administration  are  actually  engaged  in  this  infa- 
mous scheme  ;  but  judging  from  their  past  conduct,  we  have  no  doubt  but  that 
they  look  upon  it  with  satisfaction.  Almost  every  mail  brings  us  additional  ev- 
idence that  such  a  project  is  maturing.  We  say  then  there  is  great  danger  that 
before  the  Chief  Magistrate  now  about  to  be  elected,  shall  have  completed  his 
term,  some  of  these  mad  schemes  will  ripen  into  action,  and  unless  great  pru- 
dence is  exercised,  we  shall  find  ourselves  engaged  in  another  war  for  the  ac- 
quisition of  territory,  into  which  slavery  may  be  introduced. 

With  Gen.  Taylor  for  President,  vre  are  confident  that  all  such  wild  and 
wicked  conspiracies  would  receive  a  stern  rebuke.  With  his  disposition  for 
peace,  and  his  aversion  to  foreign  acquisition,  we  are  persuaded  that  he  would 
strictly  enforce  the  neutrality  laws  of  the  country ;  and  if  any  of  our  citizens 
were  bad  enough  to  expatriate  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  rebellion 
in  a  nation  with  whom  we  are  at  peace,  that  he  would,  not  take  them  and  their 
plunder  into  the  Union  as  a  reward  for  their  iniquity.  We  feel  so  confident  that 
Gen.  Taylor  views  all  such  schemes  with  disapprobation,  that  we  presume  that  he 
will  speak  out  upon  this  subject  before  the  election,  should  any  of  these  plots 
assume  a  tangible  shape. 

But  what  may  be  expected  from  Gen.  Cass  on  these  subjects  ?  We  feel  con- 
strained to  believe  that  he  would  give  them  his  support.  He  was  a  warm  advo- 
cate for  that  first  act  of  infimy,  the  annexation  of  Texas.  He  has  justified  the 
President  in  trampling  upon  the  constitution  and  commencing  a  war  of  conquest 
without  the  consent  of  Congress.  No  member  of  the  democratic  party  has 
manifested  a  more  belligerent,  blood-thirsty  spirit  than  Gen.  Cass.  When  the 
subject  was  first  presented  to  the  Senate,  his  cry  was,  "  Let  us  enter  the  Mexican 
territory,  and  conquer  a  peace  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet — let  us  talce  possession 
of  the  city  of  Montezuma  and  dictate  our  ows  conditions."  In  January 
last,  when  the  subject  of  the  war  was  under  consideration,  Gen.  Cass  ridiculed 
the  idea  that  there  was  any  thing  to  fear  even  if  we  should  acquire  the  whole  of 
Mexico.  "If  we  should  swallow  Mexico  to-morro"w,"  said  he,  "I 
DO  NOT  BELIEVE  IT  WOULD  KILL  US.  The  Senator  from  North  Carolina 
and  myself  may  not  live  to  see  it ;  but  I  am  by  no  means  satisfied  that  the  day 
will  not  come  in  which  the  whole  of  the  vast  country  around  us 
will  form  one  of  the  most  magnificent  empires  that  the  world  has  yet  seen.** 


Again  he  said,  "We  may  have  to  make  the  great  experiment  so  dreaded  by 
the  Senator  from  South  Carolina,  and  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  and  annex 
THE  DOMAINS  OP  Mexico  TO  OUR  OWN.  7%?s  is  the  penalty  which 
national  injustice  has  often  been  called  to  pay,  and  which  Mexico  may  be  'pre- 
paring for  herself" 

Such  are  the  recorded  declarations  of  Gen.  Cass  ;  and  from  them  it  is  mani- 
fest that  he  was  not  only  in  favor  of  this  war  of  conquest,  but  that  he  was  for 
dismembering,  if  not  acquiring  the  whole  of  Mexico.  Nor  did  his  ambition  stop 
here.  He  fondly  anticipated  the  time,  when  "  the  whole  vast  country  around 
us  "  would  be  annexed  to  the  United  States.  In  accordance  with  these  antici- 
pations, we  find  him,  in  May  last,  advocating  the  aggressive  policy  of  taking  an 
armed  possession  of  Yucatan. 

With  such  a  man  at  the  head  of  the  Nation,  we  should  hardly  escape  further 
accessions  of  Territory.  He  has  declared  that  we  were  destined  to  swallow  up 
the  neighboring  nations,  and  he  would,  no  doubt,  regard  it  as  his  duty  to  fulfil 
this  great  destiny.  While  Gen.  Taylor  would  consider  it  as  the  highest  honor 
to  stand  upon  our  "own  soil,"  Gen.  Cass  would  bo  desirous  of  "swallowing  the 
whole  of  Mexico."  While  the  former  would  cultivate  peace,  and  strive  to 
increase  the  resources  of  the  country ;  the  latter,  in  his  thirst  for  acquisition, 
would  direct  those  resources  to  the  prosecution  of  foreign  wars. 

On  the  question  of  the  ordinance  of  1787,  the  sentiments  of  Gen.  Taylor  are 
believed  to  be  in  accordance  with  those  of  the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts, 
while  those  of  Gen.  Cass  are  known  to  be  directly  opposed  to  them.  The  Dem- 
ocratic candidate  has  told  us  in  his  letter  to  A.  O.  P.  Nicholson,  Esq.,  that  Con- 
gress has  no  constitutional  power  to  exclude  Slavery  from  our  newly  acquired 
Territories ;  consequently  he  would  veto  any  Bill  which  contained  the  provision 
of  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  On  the  other  hand,  Gen.  Taylor  has  told  us  in  his 
Allison  letter,  that  he  should  leave  all  questions  of  "  domestic  policy "  to  the 
action  of  Congress,  and  should  feel  bound  to  carry  out  their  will.  It  is  true  that 
he  claims  the  right  of  exercising  the  veto  power  in  cases  of  clear  unconstitution- 
ality; but  he  says  that  the  President  ought  not  to  interpose  his  objections, 
^^  where  questions  of  constitutional  power  have  been  settled  by  the  various  Depart- 
ments of  the  Government^  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  people" 

Now,  if  there  ever  was  a  question  settled  by  the  various  Departments  of  the 
Government  and  acquiesced  in  by  the  people,  it  must  be  that  of  the  Ordinance  of 
1787.  It  was  affirmed  by  the  first  Congress,  and  expressly  recognized  in  the 
organization  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Iowa,  and  Oregon; 
and  has  the  sanction  of  Washington  and  his  successors  in  office,  and  has  been 
sustained  by  the  highest  judicial  tribunals  of  the  country.  Here,  then,  is  a  case 
where  Gen.  Taylor  would  be  bound  to  withhold  his  veto,  in  case  Congress  should 
pass  a  Bill  excluding  Slavery  from  the  Territories.  Nor  is  this  all ;  he  has 
pledged  himself  not  to  attempt  to  influence  the  action  of  Congress  on  this  or  any 
other  question  of  domestic  policy. 

The  (lificrence  between  the  two  candidates  is  such  as  might  be  expected  from 
their  relative  positions — one  being  the  candidate  of  the  Whig,  and  the  other  of 
the  Democratic  party.  Gen.  Taylor  is  a  safe  conservative  Whig  ;  Gen.  Cass  a 
radical,  reckless  Democrat :  the  one  is  an  open,  frank,  and  honest  old  soldier ; 
the  other  a  sly,  artful,  intriguing  politician :  the  one  would  respect  the  will  of 
the  people  as  expressed  by  their  Representatives;  the  other  would  trample  it 
under  foot :  the  former  is  a  friend  of  peace  ;  the  latter,  an  advocate  for  war  : 
the  one  would  stand  upon  our  own  soil  to  improve  it ;  the  other  would  grasp  at  all 
the  country  around  us.  In  a  word,  Gen.  Ta}lor  would  labor  to  restore  our 
Government  to  its  original  purity,  by  copying  the  example  of  Washington,  Adams 
and  Madison  ;  while  Gen.  Cass  would  depart  from  every  principle  of  the  Con- 
Btitution  by  following  the  example  of  James  K.  Polk. 

Gen.  Cass  has,  by  adopting  the  Resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  en- 
dorsed every  act  of  usurpation  of  which  the  present  Executive  has  been  guilty  j 


and  in  a  speech  made  on  his  return  to  Michigan,  he  said  "  our  triumph  will  be 
an  approval  by  the  country  of  the  present  administration,  and  will  give  direc- 
tion to  the  one  which  shall  succeed  it."  The  election  of  Gen.  Cass,  therefore, 
will  be  an  approval  of  all  the  abominations  of  James  K.  Polk,  and  a  pei'petua- 
tion  of  his  corrupt  administration. 

Whigs  of  Massachusetts,  we  have  thus  presented  for  your  consideration,  the 
characters  and  political  sentiments  of  Gen.  Taylor,  and  Gen.  Cass,  the  two  can- 
didates from  which  a  selection  will  be  made  for  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  next 
four  years.  And  we  ask  you  to  exercise  your  judgment,  and  choose  with  delib- 
eration. Let  no  preconceived  opinion,  no  hasty  resolve,  influence  your  final 
action,  but  having  surveyed  the  whole  field,  adopt  that  course  which  true  wisdom 
may  suggest,  and  enlightened  patriotism  approve. 


Candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  Millard  Fillmore. 

We  have  presented  to  you  somewhat  in  detail  the  characters  and  qualifica- 
tions of  the  two  candidates  for  the  Presidency.  Thus  far  we  have  omit- 
ted to  mention  our  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency;  because  the  charac- 
ter, moral  and  political,  of  Millard  Fillmore  is  known  and  appreciated  by 
every  freeman  in  this  Commonwealth.  You  all  remember  his  services  in 
Congress.  You  are  convinced  of  his  distinguished  ability,  you  know  his  moral 
worth.  You  all  feel  perfectly  conscious  that  if  elected,  and  the  case  should  re- 
quire it,  he  would  give  his  casting  vote  against  the  extension  of  slave  territory ; 
and  if  by  any  casualty  the  office  of  President  should  become  vacant,  the  inter- 
ests of  the  country  would  be  perfectly  safe  in  his  hands. 

Organization  of  a  Third  Party.    Its  effects  upon  the  Presidential 
Question,  and  upon  the  Cause  of  Free  Soil. 

We  are  aware  that  there  is  a  third  candidate  before  the  people,  and  that  great 
efforts  are  being  made  to  induce  the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  to  forsake  their 
former  friends,  and  to  unite  in  this  effort  to  build  up  a  third  party.  Before  we 
attempt  to  inquire  into  the  merits  of  this  new  candidate,  we  will  remind  you  of 
the  obvious  effect  of  such  an  organization.  Without  this  division,  the  AVhigs  of 
the  country  would  be  able  to  elect  Gen.  Taylor ;  but  if  the  new  candidate  shall 
draw  more  votes  from  the  Whig  party  than  from  the  democratic,  this  new  or- 
ganization will  increase  the  chances  of  the  success  of  Gen.  Cass.  This  new 
party  has  not  the  slightest  prospect  of  electing  their  own  candidate ;  and  the 
only  effect  of  the  movement  must  be  either  to  elect  or  to  increase  the  chances  of 
the  democratic  candidate.  We  had  a  full  and  perfect  illustration  of  this  princi- 
ple in  our  last  Presidential  election.  In  1844,  the  Whig  candidate  was  pledged 
against  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  the  democratic  candidate  in  its  favor. 
The  liberty  party  put  a  third  candidate  in  nomination,  and  withdrew  so  many 
votes  from  Mr.  Clay,  as  to  give  the  plurality  to  Mr.  Polk,  and  secure  his 
election.  This  effect  was  pointed  out  to  them  in  advance.  Tliey  were  told  that 
they  would  defeat  the  great  object  they  professed  to  have  in  view,  and  by  divid- 
ing the  Whig  strength,  they  would  bring  in  the  democratic  candidate,  and  with 
him  we  should  have  Texas,  war,  and  the  extension  of  slaver;.'.  But  their  blind 
zeal  for  what  they  called  principle,  induced  them  to  persevere,  and  the  evils 
under  which  we  are  now  laboring,  are  in  a  gr(?at  degree- chargeable  to  their  in- 
considerate devotion  to  party.  The  votes  which  were  given  to  the  third  party 
candidate  at  that  time  in  the  State  of  New  York  alone,  would,  if  given  to  Mr. 
Clay,  have  secured  his  election,  and  have  saved  the  country  from  the  calamities 
which  have  since  befallen  it. 


This  example  is  too  recent,  and  its  efTects  have  been  too  calamitous  to  be 
soon  foigotten  by  the  intelligent  AVhigs  of  Massachusetts.  But,  fellow  citizens, 
you  are  now  asked  to  try  this  experiment  again.  You  are  asked  now,  in  1848, 
to  adopt  the  very  policy  which,  in  1844,  brought  Texas  into  the  Union,  with 
"  all  our  woes." 

The  analogy  between  the  two  cases  is  perfect.  Now  as  then  the  third  party 
have  not  the  least  prospect  of  electing  their  candidate,  or  even  of  obtaining  a 
single  electoral  vote.  The  only  effect  of  their  elTorts  which  can  be  anticipated 
by  the  most  sanguine  among  them,  i-;  to  defeat  a  choice,  and  throw  the  election 
into  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  the  election  must  be  made  by  States,  and 
where  the  democrats  have  three  States  majority.  If  this  new  organization  sliall 
succeed  in  Avilhdrawing  from  the  whig  party  a  number  sulFiciently  large  to  give 
Gen.  Cass  the  plurality  in  New  York,  or  Ohio,  and  thereby  secure  his  election 
by  the  people  or  by  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  they  will,  we  fear,  find,  when 
it  is  too  late,  that  they  have  defeated  the  very  object  they  profess  to  have  at 
heart.  We  venture  to  predict  that  if  Gen.  Cass  is  elected,  slavery  will  be 
extended  over  New  Mexico  and  California,  and  in  all  probability  we  shall,  during 
his  administration,  have  the  Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande,  or  of  the  Sierra  Madre, 
or  the  Island  of  Cuba,  added  to  the  Union.  "With  such  additions  of  Southern 
and  slaveliolding  territory  the  friends  of  free  soil  would  be  found  in  a  ho[)eless 
minority  at  least  in  one  branch  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  glorious  cause  of 
freedom  thrown  back  ten  or  perhaps  twenty  years. 

Nor  is  it  at  all  improbable  that  the  election  of  Cass  will  make  sure  the  defeat 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  In  case  of  his  election  it  will  be  said,  that  the  whole 
question  has  been  submitted  to  the  people,  and  they  have  declared  tluit  Southern 
citizens  with  their  property  shall  not  be  excluded  from  these  territories.  That 
ai'gument  was  found  to  be  all-powerful  in  the  case  of  Texas  annexation,  and  it 
will  be  found  equally  potent  in  this  case.  This  verdict  of  tin;  people,  together 
with  the  patronage  which  he  would  hold  in  his  hand,  and  which  he  would  use 
without  scruple  or  stint,  would  enable  Gen.  Cass  to  wield  the  destinies  of  the 
nation,  and  indulge  in  his  favorite  scheme  of  "  swallowing  "  all  adjacent  territory. 
With  this  whole  subject  before  him,  every  true  friend  of  *'  free  soil  "  should  take 
heed  to  his  steps,  and  beware  lest  he  adopt  a  policy  which  will  defeat  his  own 
object,  and  perpetuate  an  evil  he  is  laboring  to  destroy. 


Mr.  Van  Btiren,  Candidate  of  the  Third  Partt/ — Ilis  Character, 
Principles,  and  Claims  for  support  from  Whigs  and  other  Free 
Soil  Men. 

But  who  is  the  candidate,  by  whom  those  who  profess  to  be  the  exclusive 
friends  of  free  soil,  propose  to  circumscribe  the  area  of  slavery  ?  It  is  a  man 
who  has  been  known  throughout  the  land  as  "a  Northern  man  with  Southern 
principles;"  a  man  who  when  Vice  I'resident  of  the  United  States  gave  his 
casting  vote  for  one  of  the  most  odious  slavery  measures  which  ever  disgraced 
the  Halls  of  Congress — a  bill  for  rifling  the  mail,  and  preventing  every  jiami  hlet, 
newspaper,  or  letter  touching  the  subject  of  slavery,  from  being  transjiorted 
therein  ;  a  man  who  when  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  said,  "  I  must  go  into 
the  Presidential  chair  the  infcomble  and  nncotnpromising  opponent  of  ontf 
attempt  to  ahoUsh  slavery  in  the  District  of  Cohimbia,  against  the  wishes  of  the 
sJavehoJdinrj  States,"  and  who  pledged  himself  to  veto  any  bill  seeking  that 
object ; — a  man  who  when  President  of  the  United  States  attempted  the  exer- 
cise of  an  unconstitutional  power,  in  dooming  the  free  negroes  of  the  Amistad  to 
perpetual  slavery!  This  is  the  "  anti-slavery,"  "free  soil"  candidate,  wiio  is 
presented  to  the  freemen  of  Massachusetts  for  their  suffrages,  by  men  too  who 
profess  to  make  the  subject  of  free  territory  pai'amount  to  every  other !  They 
2 


10 

call  upon  you  as  lovers  of  freedom  to  support  a  man  who  has  shown  more  ser- 
vility to  the  slave  power  than  any  man  in  the  free  States.  Tliey  ask  you  as 
whigsy  to  i-ally  round  the  standard  of  a  man,  who  has  for  the  last  twenty  years 
been  the  very  embodiment  of  the  most  radical  democracy.  Thej  ask  you  as 
friends  of  the  protective  policy  to  aid  in  the  election  of  a  man  who  has  pro- 
nounced the  tarilF  of  1842,  wrong  in  principle  and  in  its  details.  As  opponents 
of  the  odious  sub-treasury  scheme,  you  are  urged  to  sustain  the  man  who  first 
pressed  it  upon  the  attention  of  Congress,  and  used  all  his  patronage  to  force  it 
upon  the  country.  In  a  word,  the  wbigs  of  Massachusetts  are  urged,  in  1848, 
to  enlist  under  the  banner  of  one,  who  in  1840  was,  for  his  partisan  policy,  his 
hostility  to  the  best  interests  of  the  people,  and  his  political  profligacy,  con- 
demned, repudiated,  and  driven  from  office  by  the  indignant  freemen  of  the 
land,  with  a  voice  more  overwhelming  than  any  other  man  in  this  country  has 
ever  been  doomed  to  hear. 

But,  fellow  citizens,  you  have  been  told  that  the  old  parties  have  become  cor- 
rupt, and  that  it  is  necessary  to  form  a  new  party  based  upon  moral  principle. 
But  what  do  these  political  moralists  propose  to  you  ?  They  propose  to  take 
for  their  leaders  and  guides  such  men  as  Alartin  Van  Buren,  and  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  and  G.  Q.  Cambreling,  whose  very  names  are  synonymous  with  political 
intrigue. 

"We  do  not  wish  to  be  uncharitable,  but  we  only  speak  the  sentiment  of  a  vast 
majority  of  the  freemen  of  the  land,  when  we  say  that  Martin  Van  Buren  has 
done  more  to  corrupt  the  politics  of  the  country,  by  banishing  moral  principle, 
and  converting  every  political  movement  into  a  mere  game,  than  any  man  in  the 
nation.  The  corrupt  and  corrupting  political  maxims  —  '■^All  is  fair  in  poli- 
tics" "  To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils"  etc.,  had  their  origin  with  the  famous 
Albany  Regency,  of  which  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  the  leader  and  head.  While, 
therefore,  we  adroit  that  there  is  too  great  laxity  of  morals  in  both  political 
parties,  w^e  confess  that  we  should  despair  of  a  reformation  in  a  school  of  w^hich 
Martin  Van  Buren  was  the  teacher. 

Consequences  of  the  New  Organization^  and  its  Effects  ujjon  the 
Election  of  true  Whigs  and  Free  Soil  Memhers  of  Congress. 

But,  fellow  citizens,  you  are  not  Qnly  to  contemplate  this  new  organization  in 
its  effects  upon  the  Presidential,  but  with  reference  to  our  local  elections.  Our 
glorious  old  Commonwealth  has  at  the  present  time  a  full  delegation  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  of  good  men  and  true,  upon  the  question  of  free  soil.  Mr. 
Webster  in  his  late  speech  in  the  Senate,  and  in  fact  in  speeches  before  popular 
assemblies  made  years  ago,  laid  down  this  free  soil  doctrine  of  no  more  slave 
territory.  Mr.  Davis,  in  repeated  instances,  by  votes  and  speeches,  has  done  the 
same.  Our  delegation  in  the  House  has  always  been  as  true  as  the  needle  to 
the  pole  on  all  questions  connected  with  slavery.  Nor  is  this  any  new  impulse 
which  has  seized  them  within  a  few  months.  The  Whig  portion  of  our  del- 
egation has  been  true  for  years.  In  1844,  a  petition  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  praying  that  the  ordinance  of  1787  might  be  applied  to  all  our  terri- 
tory west  of  the  Mississippi,  was  presented,  and  a  motion  was  made  by  a 
northern  democrat  to  reject  it  by  laying  it  upon  the  table ;  and  while  John  P. 
Hale  of  New  Hampshire,  and  George  Rathbun,  and  Preston  King,  and  Charles 
S.  Benton,  and  Joseph  H.  Anderson  and  Le4nuel  Stetson  of  New  York,  now 
leading  Barnburners  and  bosom  friends  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  voted  in  favor  of  its 
rejection,  the  names  of  Adams,  and  Baker,  and  Grinnell,  and  Hudson,  and  King, 
and  Rockwell,  and  Winthrop  are  recorded  against  it.  So  in  relation  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  the  entire  whig  delegation  of  Massachusetts  resisted  it  to 
the  utmost,  while  these  New  York  free  soil  gentlemen  recorded  their  names 
tn  its  favor  on  the  final  vote.     It  is  unnecessary  to  speak  of  our  delegation  since 


11 

that  period.  They  stand  committed  in  word  and  deed  in  favor  of  the  free  soil 
principle.  In  the  present  House  of  Representatives  we  have  ten  free  soil  votes 
which  can  be  relied  upon  at  all  times.  But  let  this  now  movement  be  carried 
into  our  Congressional  elections,  and  if  the  free  soil  party  obtain  the  support 
which  they  anticipate,  the  result  must  be  that  in  most  of  our  Districts  tiicre 
can  be  no  election.  So  that  if  this  policy  is  pursued,  we  may  go  into  the 
next  House  of  Representatives,  not  with  ten  reliable  votes  on  all  occasions,  but 
with  only  two  or  three.  And  on  the  most  important  questions  of  the  session, 
yes,  on  the  very  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery,  we  may  be  defeat<'(l  by 
the  vacancies  occasioned  by  this  new  organization.  We  commend  this  part  of 
the  subject  to  the  special  consideration  of  all  who  sincerely  desire  to  prevent 
any  ftirther  extension  of  the  slave  institution. 

Therf^  are  a  few  dissatisfied  whigs,  who  say  they  feel  indignant  at  the  attempt 
of  the  slave  power  to  extend  this  institution  into  territory  now  free.  So  do  we. 
And  we  are  resolved  as  firmly  as  they  can  be,  to  resist  that  unholy  attempt,  and 
to  do  all  in  our  power  to  confine  slavery  within  its  present  limits.  Under 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  we  are  satisfied  that  the  election  of  Gen. 
Taylor  is  the  most  effectual  way  of  securing  the  object  which  we  all  have  at 
heart ;  and  we  advise  and  forewarn  our  whig  friends,  who  have  formerly  acted 
with  us,  that  any  other  course  must  end  in  the  election  of  Gen.  Cass,  and 
consequently  in  the  further  extension  of  slavery.  Such  are  our  convictions,  and 
such  we  believe  will  be  the  conclusion  to  which  all  free  soil  whigs  will  come 
on  due  reflection. 

We  are  not  at  all  surprised  at  the  course  pursued  by  the  barnburners  of  New- 
York.  They  are  among  the  most  radical  democrats  of  that  State,  and  can 
naturally  support  Mr.  Van  Buren.  We  are  not  surprised  at  the  course  pursued 
by  the  leading  abolitionists  of  this  State  ;  they  also  are  all  democrats,  and  can 
without  scruple  support  Mr.  Van  Buren,  especially  when  by  so  doing  they 
can  distract  the  whigs,  against  whom  they  have  been  arrayed  for  years.  But 
how  sound  and  consistent  whigs,  or  sincere  and  intelligent  liberty  men,  can  yield 
their  support  to  Martin  Van  Buren  is  more  than  we  can  comprehend. 

Fellow  Citizens,  though  we  have  already  extended  this  address  beyond  our 
original  design,  we  cannot  conclude  without  putting  you  upon  your  guard  against 
some  of  the  insidious  attempts  that  are  being  made  to  draw  you  from  the  sup- 
port of  Gen.  Taylor.  You  will  be  told,  as  you  have  been,  that  he  is  not  a  Whig, 
and  hence  Whigs  cannot  support  him  with  consistency.  You  are  aware  that  he 
has  said  repeatedly  that  he  is  a  ]\'hig,  and  in  his  letter  of  July  21,  184G,  to 
Wm.  E.  Russell,  he  uses  this  strong  language :  ''  I  am  a  Whig,  and  shall  ever  be 
devoted  in  individual  opinion  to  the  principles  of  that  parti/."  But  who  are 
those  that  object  to  Gen.  Taylor,  because  he  is  not  a  Whig?  They  are  the  very 
men  who  have  given  in  their  adhesion  to  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  Prince  of 
Democracy. 

A  labored  attempt  has  been  and  is  still  made  to  convince  the  freemen  of 
Massachusetts  that  Gen.  Taylor  is  known  to  be  so  devoted  to  Slavery  and 
the  slave  power,  that  the  whole  South,  without  distinction  of  party,  will  ^nve  him 
their  support.  No  representation  can  be  more  unfounded.  The  friends  of 
Gen.  Taylor  have  never  relied  upon  South  Carolina,  and  Texas  and  Missouri, 
and  those  Southern  States  which  are  thoroughly  democratic.  They  have 
maintained  that  Gen.  Taylor's  personal  popularity  might  secure  him  some  of  the 
Southern  States,  which  were  democratic  by  a  small  majority  ;  beyond  this  they 
never  had  any  hopes  of  southern  support.  '  They  have  seen  from  the  first,  that 
the  southern  democratic  press,  with  the. Union  at  their  head,  have  charged  Gen. 
Taylor  with  being  in  favor  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  :  and  the  late  speech  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  at  Charleston,  shows  most  conclusively  that  the  loading  spirit  of  the 
South  has  far  more  confidence  in  Gen.  Cass  than  in  Gen.  Taylor,  so  far  as  Sla- 
very is  concerned. 

Another  artifice  which  has  been  resorted  to  is,  to  represent  that  Gen.  Cass 


12 

has  no  strength,  and  will  hardly  be  able  to  carry  a  State ;  and  that  conse- 
quently the  real  contest  lies  between  Gen.  Taylor  and  Mr.  Van  Buren.  This 
is  a  mere  stratagem,  designed  to  lull  the  whigs  into  a  state  of  apathy.  Believe 
no  such  representations.  The  democratic  party  are  making  a  desperate  effort 
throughout  the  country,  and  whoever  is  acquainted  with  their  discipline  and  the 
power  of  their  drill  must  be  satisfied  that  they  will  make  a  great  show  of  strength 
on  the  day  of  trial.  Many  of  those  who  pretend  to  favor  this  free  soil  move- 
ment, will,  after  they  have  induced  the  whigs  to  forsake  their  party,  fall  quietly 
back  into  the  democratic  ranks,  and  give  their  votes  for  Cass  and  Butler. 

But  let  not  national  politics  engross  your  whole  attention,  and  leadVou  to 
neglect  your  own  Commonwealth.  Remember  that  you  have  a  State  to  save, . 
as  well  as  a  nation  to  redeem.  It  has  always  been  the  pride  of  our  good  citi- 
zens that  we  have  had  an  enlightened  conservative  government  at  home,  what- 
ever may  have  been  the  character  of  the  General  Government.  Although 
there  are  questions  of  National  policy  upon  which  there  may  not  be  an  entire 
unanimity  among  the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts,  no  real  difference  can  exist  with 
regard  to  the  policy  of  our  own  State,  or  the  candidates  whom  we  have  selected 
to  administer  its  government.  We  present  for  your  sufTrages  a  tried  and  faith- 
ful Whig,  who  knows  your  interests  and  will,  with  fidelity,  protect  them.  With 
George  N.  Briggs  at  the  head  of  our  affairs,  we  shall  all  feel  that  the  honour 
of  the  Commonwealth  will  be  preserved,  and  her  welfare  promoted.  And  we 
present  him  to  you  not  only  as  a  man  of  great  personal  worth,  but  as  an  expe- 
rienced and  excellent  Chief  Magistrate,  Avhose  past  services  are  known  and 
appreciated  by  all.  We  present  him  to  you  not  only  as  a  whig,  but  as  a  "  free 
soil "  whig — and  one  who  many  years  ago  declared  his  attachment  to  the  free 
soil  principle,  not  as  a  mere  speculative  abstraction,  but  as  a  practical  truth  by 
which  his  own  actions  were  governed  at  that  time,  and  have  been  governed 
since.  With  him  is  associated  another  long-tried  and  faithful  officer  in  whose 
integrity,  moral  and  political,  the  public  have  the  most  entire  confidence.  He, 
too,  is  a  whig  of  the  "  free  soil "  stamp,  and  has  labored  in  that  cause  when 
Martin  Van  Buren  and  many  of  his  recent  converts  were  bowing  to  the  slave 
power,  and  courting  the  favor  of  slaveholders.  But  we  will  not  consume  your 
time  in  setting  forth  the  merits  of  these  men.  George  N.  Briggs  and  John 
Reed  are  well  known  to  you,  and  knowing  them,  we  are  confident  that  you  will 
give  them  your  cordial  support.  Can  any  Massachusetts  Whig  prefer  Stephen 
C  Phillips  to  George  N.  Briggs;  or  John  Mills,  whose  vote  contributed  to  the 
election  of  James  K.  Polk  as  President,  and  the  annexation  of  Texas,  to  John 
Reed  ? 

Freemen  of  Massachusetts,  you  have  a  great  and  important  work  to  perform. 
The  whigs  of  other  States  are  looking  to  3'ou  with  the  deepest  interest.  They 
know  that  the  old  Bay  State  has  always  been  true  to  herself  and  to  the  country, 
and  has  never  failed  to  do  her  duty  in  the  day  of  trial.  They  expect  that  you 
will  sustain  your  well-earned  character,  and  not  be  found  wanting  in  this  trying 
emergency.  You  have  it  in  your  power  to  choose  your  electors  by  the  people, 
and  thus  save  yourselves  from  the  disgrace  of  momentary  defeat,  and  the  Com- 
monwealth from  the  expense  of  an  extra  session  of  the  Legislature.  For  your  own 
credit  as  a  whig  State,  for  the  honor  of  the  party  to  which  you  belong,  for  the 
success  of  the  great  cause  in  which  you  are  engaged,  and  for  the  welfare  of  the 
country  of  which  you  are  a  constituent  part,  we  call  upon  you  to  come  forward  in 
your  strength,  and  sustain  your  principles.  At  the  last  Presidential  election 
you  marched  to  the  polls,  after  you  knew  that  the  battle  was  lost,  and  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  showed  that  you  contended  for  principle.  Let  your  ex- 
ample at  that  time  stimulate  you  now  to  the  faithful  discharge  of  your  duty. 
Then  you  were  not  disheartened  by  defeat,  now  the  prospect  of  victory  beckons 
you  on.  Reports  from  all  parts  of  the  State  and  of  the  country,  are  of  the  most 
encouraging  character.     Having  served  in  the  whig  ranks,  most  of  our  friends 


13 

will  be  found  at  tlicir  posts  on  the  day  of  election.  The  free  soil  doctrine  being 
with  them  a  fixed  principle,  and  not  a  spasmodic  emotion,  they  will  bow  at 
their  accustomed  whig  altar,  and  not  be  fr)und  going  after  strange  gods, — 
which  neitiier  they  nor  their  fathers  have  known. 

We  say  then,  fellow  citizens,  do  your  duty  with  ])ronip(ne.ss  and  ahicrity. 
As  you  are  enjoying  blessings  which  were  purchased  by  liie  sacrifices  of  your 
patriot  fathers,  so  you  should  be  willing  to  make  some  sacrifices  for  those  who 
are  to  come  after  you.  The  liberties  of  liie  country  are  in  danger.  Executive 
power  is  oversluulowing  every  dei)artm(:nt  of  the  goveriunent.  Plots,  extrava- 
gant as  they  are  wicked,  are  already  laid  to  bring  into  tlie  Union  large  portions 
of  foreign  territory,  on  which  to  plant  an  institution  repugnant  to  every  princi- 
ple of  republicanism.  These  evils  must  be  arrested  at  every  hazard.  And  the 
power  to  do  it,  is  in  the  ])eople  themselves.  Let,  then,  the  freemen  of  the  land 
make  one  patriotic  effort,  and  show  the  present  corrupt  administration  that  the 
righteous  indignation  of  an  injuied  j)eople  will  not  sleep  forever.  But  what- 
ever may  be  done  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  let  old  Massachnselts  do  her 
duty.  Let  her  stand  firm,  ''  whoever  may  falter,  or  whoever  may  fly."  Let 
her  stand  firm,  and  "  show  the  parasites  of  power,  that  there  is  one  community 
they  cannot  corrupt  —  one  State  they  cannot  seduce  —  one  Swiss  Canton 
they  can  never  conquer." 


KESOLUTIONS. 


The  following  Resolves  were  read  to  the  Convention  and  unanimously  adopted. 

Eesolved,  That  the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  in  1848,  were  Massachusetts 
Whigs  in  1840,  and  in  1844;  in  184(',  when,  by  an  overwhelming  majority  in 
the  State  and  Country,  we  thrust  from  the  scat  of  executive  power,  Maktin 
Van  Buuen,  the  subservient  and  unscrupulous  instrument  of  Southern  dicta- 
tion ;  in  1844,  when,  by  a  vote  in  our  own  State  not  less  decisive,  we  spurned 
with  indignation  the  nomination  of  James  K.  Polk,  and  the  Baltimore  platform, 
with  its  progressive  principles  of  war,  annexation,  and  slavery  extension  ;  and 
that  now,  as  in  those  memorable  years,  we  stand  firmly,  as  we  have  always 
stood,  upon  the  platform  of  Free  Labor,  a  Free  Press,  and  Free  Soil. 

Resolved,  That  as  Whigs  we  have  always  maintained,  a-s  a  fundamenud  prin- 
ciple of  our  Government,  that  the  legi--lative  branches  should  be  kept  i'lcc  from 
executive  influence  and  dictation;  that  the  voice  of  the  people  sheuld  be  heard 
through  their  representatives  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  unawed  and 
unrestrained;  that  the  veto  power,  which  is  but  the  expression  of  one  man's 
opinion,  should  never  be  exercised,  •'  except  in  cases  of  clear  violation  of  the 
Constitution,  or  manifest  haste  and  want  of  consideration  by  Congress." 

Resolved,  That  we  have  never  surrendered  and  will  never  surrender  our 
common  principles  as  a  Whig  party.  We  believe  that  our  government  was  in- 
stituted to  promote  the  peace,  pros|)erity  and  happiness  of  the  pco|.le  ;  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  goverument  to  regulate  wisely  the   currency  and  the  commerce 

;tr>8(»H.'i 


14 

of  the  country ;  to  protect  the  labor  and  encourage  the  industry  of  the  people ; 

to  adopt  and  carry  out  a  judicious  system  of  measures  for  internal  improvement, 
to  clear  our  rivers  and  harbors  from  all  obstructions  to  navigation  and  com- 
merce ;  to  make  such  a  disposition  of  the  public  lands  as  shall  advance  the  in- 
terests of  all  the  States ;  to  encourage  free  intercourse  and  intelligence  among 
the  people  by  a  reasonable  reduction  of  the  rates  of  postage ;  and  generally  by 
a  careful,  conscientious  and  far-seeing  administration  of  our  public  affairs,  to 
establish  "  the  healthful  and  proper  action  of  our  republican  institutions." 

Hesolved,  That  being  impressed  with  a  profound  sense  of  our  responsibility 
as  the  representatives  of  the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  —  that  responsibility  which 
attaches  to  our  words,  acts  and  votes — we  cannot  fail  on  this  occasion,  as  we 
have  never  failed  on  any  other  general  assemblage  of  the  Whigs  of  Massachu- 
setts, to  record  in  the  most  solemn  and  deliberate  manner,  our  unqualified  oppo- 
sition to  any  extension  of  the  institution  of  slavery  into  new  territories,  or  any 
acquisitions  of  territory  for  the  purpose  of  such  extension. 

On  this  question  the  voice  of  Massachusetts  has  been  unwavering  and  uni- 
form ;  and  never  has  that  voice  spoken  with  higher  eloquence  and  power  than 
when  our  distinguished  Senator  in  Congress,  speaking  for  himself,  and  for  the 
whole  People  of  the  Commonwealth,  said :  "  I  consent  to  no  farther  extension  of 
the  area  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  and  no  further  increase  of  slave  repre- 
sentation in  the  House  of  Representatives." 

Resolved,  That  entertaining  these  opinions  and  convictions,  we  do  most  cordially 
adopt  and  ratify  the  nomination  of  ZACHARY  TAYLOR,  of  Louisiana,  and 
MILLARD  FILLMORE,  of  New  York,  as  the  candidates  of  the  whole  Whig 
party  of  the  Union  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United  States  ; 
and  believing  them  to  be,  in  the  sense  of  these  resolutions,  Whigs,  honest  and  ca- 
pable, we  here  pledge  ourselves,  one  and  all,  to  make  the  most  unwearied  efforts 
to  place  them  in  the  offices  to  which  they  have  been  nominated. 

Resolved,  That  while  we  feel  an  intense  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  General 
Government,  and  a  confident  expectation  that  our  chosen  candidates  for  the 
Presidency  and  Vice  Presidency  will  be  elected ;  we  cannot  forget  that  Massa- 
chusetts is  a  Whig  State,  and  that  under  a  Whig  administration  her  people  have 
been  prosperous  and  happy. 

In  the  assurance  that  GEORGE  N.  BRIGGS  and  JOHN  REED  will, 
by  their  ability,  faithfulness  and  inflexible  integrity,  so  administer  our  State  af- 
fairs as  to  insure  the  continuance  of  that  prosperity  and  happiness,  we  again 
present  them  to  the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  as  our  candidates  for  Governor  and 
Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth. 


PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE   CONVENTION. 


At  half  past  11  o'clock,  the  Convention  was  called  to  order,  by  Col.  A.  H. 
Bullock,  of  "Worcester,  and,  on  motion  of  Judge  Barton,  of  Worcester,  Hon. 
Joseph  Bell,  of  Boston,  was  chosen  temjioraiy  Chairman  of  tlie  Convention. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Sciiouler,  of  Boston,  Joseph  M.  Wightmak,  of  Boston, 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Convention. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Dewet,  of  Williamstown,  the  members  of  the  State  Central 
Committee,  and  the  Chairmen  of  the  several  County  Committees,  were  requested 
to  take  seats  in  the  Convention. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  George  Marston,  of  Barnstable,  the  Senators  and  Rep- 
resentatives in  Congress  from  this  State,  were  requested  to  take  seats  in  the 
Convention. 

On  motion  of  Hon.  Albert  H.  Nelson,  of  "Wobum,  it  was  voted,  that  a 
Committee  of  five  be  appointed,  to  collect  the  credentials  of  members,  and  report 
thereon. 

The  following  is  the  Committee :  Messrs.  Nelson,  of  "Woburn  ;  Dwight,  of 
Springfield  ;  Morey,  of  Boston  ;  Willard,  of  Millbury  ;  Lowe,  of  Gloucester. 

On  motion  of  Hon.  George  Bliss,  of  Springfield,  a  Committee  of  one  from 
each  county  was  raised,  to  report  a  system  of  organization  and  list  of  oflicers  for 
the  Convention. 

The  following  is  the  Committee : — Messrs.  Bliss,  of  Hampden,  Thatcher,  of 
SuflTolk,  Chapman,  of  Essex,  Wolcott,  of  Middlesex,  Mixter,  of  AVorcester,  West, 
of  Hampshire,  White,  of  Franklin,  Goodrich,  of  Berkshire,  Simmons,  of  Norfolk, 
Ferry,  of  Bristol,  Hyde,  of  Plymouth,  Doane,  of  Barnstable,  Easton,  of  Nan- 
tucket and  Dukes. 

The  Committee  on  the  subject  reported  the  following  list  of  officers  for  the 
Convention : 

For  President, 
Hon.  DANIEL  P.  KING,  of  Danvers. 
Vice  Presidents. 
Hon.  SAMUEL  A.  ELIOT,  of  Boston. 
«     DAVID  PINGKEE,  of  Salem. 
«     IIOBART  SPENCER,  of  Ashby. 
"     BENJ.  F.  THOMAS,  of  Worcester. 
«     JOHN  HOWARD,  of  Springfield. 
«     ANSEL  PHELPS,  of  Greenfield. 
Gen.  II.  A.  S.  DEARBORN,  of  Roxbury. 
Hon.  JOHN  DAGGETT,  of  Attleboro'. 
«    ZENAS  D.  BASSETT,  of  Barnstable, 
«    SETH  SPRAGUE,  of  Duxbury. 
«    ITHAMER  CONKET,  Esq ,  of  Amherst. 
«    WILLIAINI  MITCHELL,  of  Nantucket. 

SAMUEL  ROSSITER,  Esq.,  of  Great  Barrington. 
Secretaries. 
J.  M.  Wightman,  of  Boston  ;  Matthias  Ellis,  of  Carver ;  Rodman  H.  Wells, 
of  Adams  ;  Lewis  Chesbrough,  of  Taunton  ;  Samuel  Willard,  Jr.  of  Deerfield. 

Hon.  Levi  Lincoln,  of  Worcester,  and  Judge  Warren,  of  Boston,  were 
appointed  to  conduct  the  President  elect  to  the  chair.  The  Vice  Presidents 
and  Secretaries  next  took  their  seats. 

The  PresidtMit  then  requested  Rev.  Edward  E.  Hale,  of  Worcester,  to  ad- 
dress the  Throne  of  Grace. 


16 

Mr.  PnocTOU,  of  Danvers,  moved  that  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  to 
collect,  sort  and  count  the  votes  for  Governor.  This  motion  was  subsequently 
re-considered,  on  motion  of  Hon.  MvuoN  La.wrence,  of  Belchertown.  He 
said  the  people  about  him  wanted  a  nomination  by  acclamation.  He  wanted  to 
have  a  shout  raised  that  would  reach  the  hills  of  Berkshire.  The  reconsidera- 
tion v/as  carried  unanimousl)\  Mr.  Lawrence  then  nominated  GEORGE  N. 
BRIGGS,  for  Governor  of  the  Commonwealth,  which  was  carried  amid  the 
most  enthusiastic  cheers.  Governor  Lincoln  then  moved  that  the  Hon.  JOHN 
REED  be  nominated  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  which  was  carried  with  the 
same  unanimity  and  enthusiasm. 

Col.  Bullock,  of  Worcester,  moved  that  a  committee  of  one  from  each 
county  be  appointed  to  nominate  two  Electors  at  large.  The  following  is  the 
Committee : 

A.  H.  BULLOCK,  of  Worcester.  N.  W.  COFFIN,  of  Suffolk.  N. 
SILSBEE,  Jr.,  of  Essex.  T.  RICE,  Jr.  of  Middlesex.  E.  M.  WRIGHT, 
of  Hampshire.  G.  WALKER,  of  Hampden.  A.  HOWL  AND,  of  Franklin. 
E.  H.  KELLOGG,  of  Berkshire.  E.  P.  TILESTON,  of  Norfolk.  J.  ED- 
DY, of  Bristol.  S.  S  PRAGUE,  of  Plymouth.  S.  HILLIARD,  of  Barnstable. 
W.  C.  STARBUCK,  of  Nantucket  and  Dukes. 

On  motion  of  Hon.  Joseph  Bell,  the  following  gentlemen  were  appointed 
a  Committee,  to  report  an  Address  to  the  people  of  JMassachusetts  : 

Joseph  Bell,  of  Suffolk ;  Benjamin  Thompson,  of  Middlesex ;  Ebenezer 
Bradbury,  of  Essex  ;  George  Denny,  of  Worcester ;  Jehiel  Abbott,  of  Hamp- 
shire ;  Horace  Gould,  of  Franklin ;  Daniel  N.  Dewey,  of  Berkshire ;  F.  W. 
Lincoln,  of  Norfolk ;  Oliver  Ames,  Jr.,  of  Bristol ;  Philander  Washburn,  of 
Plymoutli ;  Charles  Marston,  of  Barnstable ;  David  Baker,  of  Nantucket ; 
D.  Fisher,  of  Dukes. 

Mr.  Ha  YD  EX,  of  Boston,  then  offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was 
carried. 

Resoloed,  That  the  Delegates  to  this  Convention  from  the  several  Con- 
gressional Districts  in  this  Commonwealth  be  requested  to  retire  and  report  to 
the  Convention,  a  candidate  for  Elector  of  President  and  Vice  President  of  the 
United  States  for  each  of  said  Districts.  Mr.  Nelson,  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  credentials,  reported  that  it  appeared  that  nearly  all  the  cities  and 
towns  of  this  Commonwealth  were  represented,  and  that  the  number  of  Del- 
egates duly  acci'edited  was  nine  hundred  and  eighty-three. 

Col.  Bullock,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  to  nominate  two  Electors  at  large, 
reported  that  they  had  unanimously  agreed  to  report  the  names  of — 
Hon.  LEVI  LINCOLN,  of  Worcester, 
Hon.  EDMUND  DWIGHT,  of  Boston, 
As  electors,  at  large.     The  following  are  the  District  Electors  : 
No.  1— ALBERT  FP:ARING,  of  Boston. 
«     2— DAVID  PINGREE,  of  Salem. 
«     3— JAMES  II.  DUNCAN,  of  Haverhill. 
«     4— ISAAC  LIVERMORE,  of  Cambridge. 
«     5— BENJ.  F.  THOMAS,  of  Worcester. 
«     6— MYRON  LAWRENCE,  of  Belchertown. 
«     7— ASA  HOWL  AND,  of  Conway. 
«     8— H.  A.  S.  DEARBORN,  of  Roxbury. 
«     9— WM.  BAYLIES,  of  West  Bridgewater. 
«  10— WM.  R.  E ASTON,  of  Nantucket. 
Mr.  Bell,  of  Boston,  then  reported  the  address  and  resolutions. 
The  Convention  was  ably  and   eloquently  addressed  by  the  Hon.    RuFUS 
Choate,  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winturop,  Hon.  Charles  Hudsox,  and  Hon, 
B.  F.  Thomas. 

After  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Officers  of  the  Convention,  nine  cheers  for 
Taylor  and  Fillmore,  and  six  for  Briggs  and  Reed,  the  Convention  aJjourned. 


27  35      -^ 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  LOS  ANGELES 

THE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 

This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stanjped  below 


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